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addressing the cognitive deficits of gun banners
#1
From a former co-author:


-----------------
The Bad Gun Dumpster
By Nicholas J. Johnson*
Law professor
Fordham University
May 30, 2013
http://www.libertylawsite.org/2013/05/30...-dumpster/


I have a friend who keeps going to the range with me and then
threatening to buy a gun of his own. He has the grudging support of his
wife who got drawn in after a round of clays where she hit more than he did.

She has questions, though. And it has been enlightening for me to talk
about familiar things with an open-minded person who comes at gun issues
basically from what she sees on TV. She was perplexed about many of the
exchanges in the current debate.

She listened patiently to my critique of the “bad gun formula of
marginal supply controls as recipe for creeping disarmament.” Against
scary looking pictures of AR-15’s it didn’t really click. But she was
unwilling just to nod and move on. Her need to understand forced me to
work a little harder on the details and to appreciate something I had
lost sight of.

I realized that those of us who focus on these issues sometimes use
rhetorical tools that fail to resonate for folks who are increasingly
lured to think in pictures rather than words. This helped me understand
why the bad gun formula as a slippery slope to full confiscation
argument might not convince some people until you tell the long story
and illustrate it in detail. I thought it might be worth doing that here.

The bad gun formula starts with a perfunctory, “I respect the Second
Amendment but ….” It proceeds from there to describe some subcategory
of “bad guns” guns to which fantastic characteristics are attributed
(this need not be accurate as long as the labels and images are catchy).
Then it stigmatizes the guns as somehow more gun-like, (i.e., more
dangerous) than others, and impugns the motives or morality of anyone
who would defend such obviously nefarious instruments that no one really
“needs.”

The claim here is always that “no one is talking about taking people’s
guns.” (This is what the President said). But the slippery slope to
confiscation worry is vividly illustrated by a long-view examination of
all the different technologies that have at one time or another been
pitched into the bad gun basket. Here goes.

In my last post I dredged up the infamous Saturday Night Special, which
we can stipulate is some slice of handguns. For many years, this was
the quintessential bad gun, endowed with such exceptional capacities
that people would just say the words and figure they had won the point.
For purposes of this exercise let’s stipulate the boundaries of this
class, subtract them from the pool of “good guns” and dump them into the
crush heap.

Next of course is the category of “assault weapons” which we have
discussed over the last few months ad nauseam. In previous posts I have
shown how this category has no technical boundaries so we again have to
stipulate the boundaries and dump these as well.

There are lots of guns left, of course. But we are just getting started.
Some have almost lost sight of the fact, or for the rising generation
maybe never appreciated, that for most of the history of the modern gun
control movement the evil guns that needed banning were handguns, all of
them. This was the openly avowed goal of the movement starting in the
1970’s and continuing until relatively recently. This ambition was
driven by the fact that most gun crime is handgun crime. But handguns
also have clear corresponding self-defense utility and this explains
much of the resistance to the ban handguns movement.

Today, supply controllers who “respect the Second Amendment” soft peddle
their longstanding disdain for the handgun. Scroll back twenty-five
years though, and you can find many of them playing a much more
aggressive tune. Cutting through the current lip service to the Second
Amendment, for purposes of our counting, the bad gun formula demands we
subtract handguns … every last one of them. (Recently at least one
member of congress, Jan Schakowsky, Democrat of Illinois, openly
acknowledged her ambition to revive the handgun ban agenda and her
belief that the Supreme Court’s decisions in Heller and McDonald do not
preclude this. She is clueless on the doctrine. But her candor is
refreshing.)

This still leaves some guns to fill the “needs” of those whacky
Americans who insist on having one. American hunters—that massive group
of diligent voters, tax payers and prodigious spreaders of currency on
vehicles, clothing, licenses, travel, and equipment—surely get to keep
their guns, right? Wrong.

Also on the list of “bad guns” that need banning are “civilian sniper
rifles.” Defined by the Violence Policy Center as a bolt action or
semi-automatic, having a two-stage trigger, having a free-floated
barrel, having a “bull” or “target” barrel or having a fluted barrel.
The bad gun claim here is that “[t]he end product of these and other
fine-tuning features, is a precision instrument that is more rugged and
more accurate than its hunting cousins.” The Director of the
International Action Network On Small Arms, has urged a more robust
definition, arguing that no civilian should be allowed to have “sniper
rifles” that are deadly at “100 meters distance.”

Now the shelves are really starting to thin. Handguns … gone.
Semiautomatic rifles … mostly gone. Civilian sniper rifles, “deadly at
100 meters” (basically every rifle ever made) … gone.

Okay, so you can still have a shotgun which evokes class comforting
images of rich people in tweed, stepping out of Range Rovers. But when
we start looking at the shotgun through a careful technical lens
currently so lacking in firearms policy initiatives, it cannot long survive.

There is a hint of this in Robert Sherrill’s Saturday Night Special,
mentioned in my last post. Sherrill actually acknowledged, with a dose
of hyperbole, the point that is confirmed by the U.S. Army Combat
Shotgun Report. The shotgun is easily more destructive at practical
ranges than many things on the bad gun list. A typical magnum 00
buckshot sends 15 .33 caliber projectiles downrange, in a pattern that
spreads approximately one inch per yard. Sherrill conjured images of
people falling three at a time.

Some might quibble here, raising arguments about the comparative
ballistic coefficients of buckshot versus various rifle rounds as ranges
extend. Indeed I was prepared to have that conversation with members of
the Senate Judiciary Committee. We might have talked about the loads
where shot size is small enough that the shotgun becomes comparatively
less deadly, and then how regulations based on that distinction are
easily circumvented because it is so easy to handload shotgun ammunition.

Walking away from it, I concluded that the players to whom such details
should have mattered, Congress’ lead players on firearms policy, had
never uttered the words “ballistic coefficient” or really thought beyond
the first reflex about what they were proposing to regulate. Still, for
purposes of our exercise, one has to expect that someone, at some point,
will start talking about the exceptional multi-projectile danger of
Granddads’ Model 12 Winchester....
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#2
...Add it up and we have a full picture of the bad gun supply control
agenda as candidly articulated over the past four decades. So when
skeptics scoff at the worry that the bad gun formula is a confiscation
agenda, one can answer as I have, that the theory of supply controls is
nonsense unless one is committed to confiscation. But those who find
the theoretical discussion too abstract, can just reference the empty
gun cabinet that is the plain end result of the “bad gun” formula.

Of course, for some people, the image of the empty gun cabinet cuts the
other way. They will say “Hell yea, right on.” But that just confirms
my starting contention about creeping confiscation. And the cheering
prohibitionists must be reminded that the guns didn’t really go to the
crusher, they just flooded into the black market.

For others the empty gun cabinet image should help them cut through the
claim that the conversation is really just about commonsense controls
over a small category of dangerous and unusual guns that no one really
“needs.” This is an important revelation for new crops of young
journalists, congressional staffers and news-show producers who don’t
remember when the Coalition to Stop Gun Violence was called the
Coalition to Ban Handguns.

The encouraging thing is that there seem to be legions of folks at the
grassroots who do remember such things and are beyond the influence of
cloistered opinion makers. This helps explain the failure of the latest
rendition of the bad gun formula and illuminates the bewilderment about
that failure among the chattering class.

The strategy of carving off gun owners category by category is now so
familiar that very few gun people find it convincing. Even if it is true
that there are shotgun people, rifle people, handgun people, hunters and
target shooters, these labels do not mark boundaries. These people are
not divisible from American gun culture, they are American gun culture.

There was a nice demonstration of this in January when participants and
exhibitors at the annual Eastern Sports and Outdoor Show in Harrisburg,
Pennsylvania withdrew from the program and shut down the event. The show
is a big deal. I’ve been there several times over the years. This year,
the British- owned promoter, exhibited a deaf ear to its market and
decided to prohibit exhibition of a variety of semi-automatic “bad
guns.” Hundreds of vendors and exhibitors lost lots of money by pulling
out of the show. Many of them did not even sell firearms.

One can’t know the motives of all of these people. But it’s a good bet
that nearly all of them, and their employees, and their families, owned
firearms. And most of them have probably been paying close enough
attention over the years to appreciate that most of the guns they own,
at one time or another, have been on the bad gun list.

Politicians who advance the bad gun formula, seem to proceed as if the
all memories are wiped clean with each election cycle. I guess they are
encouraged by the fact that our collective focus on many issues barely
survives the news cycle.

Gun people, at least on gun issues, seem to have a longer attention span.


*Nicholas J. Johnson is Professor of Law, Fordham University School of
Law and is an editor of Firearms Law and the Second Amendment: Cases and
Materials (Aspen Press, 2012). Professor Johnson is the author of more
than a dozen law review articles on firearms regulation and the Second
Amendment including “This Right is Not Allowed By Governments That Are
Afraid of the People”: The Public Meaning of the Second Amendment When
the Fourteenth Amendment was Ratified, 17 Geo. Mason L. Rev. 823 (2010),
Administering the Second Amendment: Law, Politics, and Taxonomy, 50
Santa Clara L. Rev. 1263 (2010).
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#3
I don't like the slippery slope argument. It concedes to much. We need to stand right off the bat on the reason we need AR's. In fact I think its a free citizens responsibility to own weapons that may make those in power a little nervous.
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#4
When I encounter ignorance in the freedom debate involving firearms, I ask the proponent of gun-banning if high power military battle rifles should be able to be owned by civilians?

".....no, of course not."

I then ask if sniper rifles, with deadly target scopes should be allowed to be owned by civilians.

"Everyone knows people shouldn't own such things."

I then ask if they will support common sense legislation to get these terrible weapons off the streets of America.

"Yes, of course I would."

Me: "Congratulations. You just pledged to ban every 1800's-1930's technology-based hunting rifle. They are nothing more than military battle rifles that were sporterized with nice wood and optics. Do you also support legislation to ban handguns from innocent families trying to protect themselves from murderous thieves who have gotten the revolving door justice treatment from lenient judges?"
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